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Although music and language have much in common, activating many of the same regions of the brain, music links far more to primitive brain structures related to reward and motivation. The emotional impact of music often relates to its rhythm. Strong momentum in beat divisions is called “groove,” a rare and sought-after quality in music. When a piece of music has a predictable beat, which performance qualities or a skilled conductor can enhance, the likelihood is far greater that the piece will be emotionally moving. Levitin has devoted much research to investigating the link between emotion and rhythm in music.
James Watson and Francis Crick (1916-2004), Nobel Prize winners credited with discovering DNA, contributed to Levitin’s work. Watson participated alongside Levitin in a prestigious workshop investigating how the brain processes timing, which prompted Levitin’s interest in the connection between metrical extraction and emotion. Levitin cherishes the memory of meeting and conversing with Crick after a dinner with colleague Ursula Bellugi at California’s Salk Institute only months before Crick’s death. Levitin long admired Crick, feeling a sense of camaraderie with the co-discoverer of DNA because they both began their scientific careers relatively late in life. Crick encouraged Levitin to closely examine the connections between music and the functions of the cerebellum.
The cerebellum, the most primitive and (evolutionarily) the oldest part of the brain, links to coordinating body movements and emotion. These functions are connected because emotions in early humans largely motivated actions necessary for survival, like feeling fear when running from a threat or feeling satisfaction when recalling the location of a food source. Many strong emotions link to automatic and instantaneous motor movements, particularly running, so having these functions linked directly in the brain without the intercession of conscious thought granted an evolutionary advantage. Perceptual systems are important enough to survival that they have supplementary pathways in the brain, ensuring that some function is retained even if one region of the brain is damaged. For example, a vestigial supplementary auditory system directly connects to the cerebellum, allowing certain auditory stimuli to prompt automatic action without conscious input—jumping at loud noises, for instance.
People can tap their feet to the regular beat in a piece of music and extract the meter. Scientists in the 1990s created a computer model capable of similar feats, and evidence suggests that in humans, the cerebellum plays a significant role in tracking rhythm and extracting meter. This function links to the cerebellum because most body movements occur at a constant rate (e.g., running with a regular gait). In addition, the ability to track rhythms developed in primitive humans as a means of filtering. The brain’s perceptual systems are adept at recognizing repeated input, habituating to it, and noticing changes to patterns that indicate potentially significant changes in the environment. Because the cerebellum links closely to emotions, it contributes to the emotional impact of music. Feelings of pleasure when listening to music stem from the cerebellum’s production and transmission of dopamine. If music conforms to a predicted schema, meeting expectations, it creates a sense of satisfaction. Even when it fails to meet expectations, music can still result in pleasure from the excitement of novelty in a safe and playful context. Through painstaking work analyzing brain scans, Levitin and his colleagues have confirmed that these regions of the cerebellum associated with reward, motivation, and arousal—the pleasure center of the brain—activate when listening to familiar, liked music but not when listening to unfamiliar or disliked music.
Significant study in cognitive science has focused on the topic of expertise, particularly in determining whether high levels of attainment are attributable to innate characteristics or to environmental factors. A complete answer to this complex question would likely fall between the two extremes, though confirming this with certainty is difficult. Both genetic and external factors affect all milestones of development, and distinguishing between cause and effect in studying the brain presents challenges. Learning to play music affects the brain, but whether only a portion of the population has the innate capacity to manifest those effects remains uncertain. “Talent” is a label that people often apply circuitously or retroactively to those who have already attained great things.
Geneticists use databases like the Minnesota twin registry to study the links between certain genes and traits. Although twins reared apart often share remarkable similarities, the extent to which this is simply a statistical illusion (given the likelihood that any two people would have some traits in common if compared closely and broadly enough) is unclear. An alternative explanation is that genes might indirectly influence a person if associated primary traits (height, timbre of voice, etc.) affect how others treat that person. As a child, Levitin was discouraged from learning to play the guitar because his hands were small. He nonetheless learned to play as a teen and had great success, proving that while physical limitations might have some impact on one’s capabilities with a particular instrument, there are no fixed rules. Some people have a biological predisposition toward certain instruments or skills, but other traits, such as determination, and environmental factors, such as opportunities, are even more influential. Genes may provide some insight into the probability of certain traits manifesting, but predictions about human behavior are always a matter of statistical likelihood rather than absolutes and are thus meaningful only for populations, not for individuals.
In the development of musical skill, the amount of practice repeatedly emerges as the primary determiner of attainment. Research consistently shows that attaining world-class expertise in any subject—including music—requires approximately 10,000 hours of study and practice because learning requires assimilating and consolidating information, and more experience correlates to stronger paths for learning and memory. Likewise, emotional tagging strengthens memory, so emotional investment in procuring and developing a skill correlates with success. Memorization is a necessary component of musical skill that often involves organizing information into hierarchical structures and “chunking” long passages into discrete sections. Although some musicians have a prodigious natural skill for recalling and reproducing tunes, most use various musical schema to streamline the memorization process.
Science provides no definitive explanation for why some performers are more adept at emotionally moving audiences. Even in top music schools, expressiveness and emotionality are rarely taught. Levitin hypothesizes that musicians who recall the feelings that inspired their songs while performing might reactivate the neurological pathways corresponding to the emotions themselves, prompting sympathetic emotional responses in listeners. This emotional capacity can be even more important in a performance than technical skill, particularly in developing celebrity rather than expertise. Some famous musicians turn their lack of technical musical expertise into an advantage by eschewing convention to produce innovative sounds. Joni Mitchell, for example, tuned her guitar unconventionally so that her work didn’t rely on typical chords and rendered fretted and unfretted notes differently. Although she had some trouble finding compatible backing musicians, the unique sound became a prized hallmark of her work.
Levitin dedicates most of Chapter 6 to an autobiographical account of meeting with Crick and discussing his research with the famous scientist. This more emotional and personal focus provides a respite after several information-heavy chapters focusing on technical scientific subjects, helping ensure readers’ continued interest. Levitin’s respect for Crick is clear through his reverent recounting of Crick’s work on DNA and its impact on the scientific world and is implicit in the care with which Levitin recounts their interaction. Levitin’s delight and excitement at having the opportunity to meet Crick is bittersweet given the revelation that the older scientist died mere months after their encounter, and the memory of their meeting still affects Levitin deeply. For Levitin, now a world-famous and highly respected scientist in his own right, to retain such reverence for other major figures in science shows his humility, making him more likable and relatable, and lessens the perceived divide between celebrated scientists and the public by showing that even the most highly regarded figures have their own icons and heroes. Levitin’s obvious appreciation of the opportunity to meet Crick prevents the anecdote from coming across an instance of name-dropping. He acknowledges that much of how the brain works remains a mystery but reveres its function regarding music, characterizing it as “an exquisite orchestration of brain regions, involving […] precision choreography of neurochemical release and uptake between logical prediction systems and emotional reward systems” (192).
Chapter 6 explores The Neurological Underpinnings of Musical Enjoyment as a theme. Levitin focuses on the cerebellum’s role in processing music to show the connection between metrical extraction and emotion, both of which link to that region of the brain. He explains how the brain’s neurological workings intricately link to evolutionary functions through detailed descriptions of how the adaptations likely contributed to the survival of primitive humans. In this way, Levitin introduces the link between musical competency in humans and evolutionary psychology, priming readers to accept his arguments in Chapter 9 supporting the theory that music is an evolutionary adaptation in its own right rather than a “spandrel,” or outgrowth, of speech. Chapter 7 focuses on another theme, The Components of Musical Ability, providing much of the detail by showing how cognitive studies into general expertise apply to the topic of musical ability in particular. Levitin anticipates the possibility of Mozart’s (1756-1791) notorious prodigiousness in music becoming an example in arguments asserting that talent is an innate characteristic; he states that a significant amount of practice is necessary to attain mastery in any field. He corrects common errant assumptions about Mozart’s age when he was composing, draws attention to the unique circumstances of Mozart’s background, and raises questions about the objective quality of Mozart’s early compositions. By preemptively countering this potential line of attack, Levitin strengthens his position and provides additional support to the conclusions of the chapter. Levitin believes that while some musical ability is innate, expertise requires significant dedicated effort. He notes, “I don’t know any successful musicians who haven’t worked hard to get where they are [or] had success fall into their laps,” adding, “I’ve known a lot of artists whom the press has called ‘overnight sensations,’ but who spent five or ten years becoming that!” (204).
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